Las Vegas Review-JournalDonrey Newspapers
Review-Journal Online Sunday, May 11, 1997

Experts: Campaign donations influence growth debate

Most local leaders receive campaign funds from industries with a stake in public policy, a dubious practice, some argue.
Site Map By Jane Ann Morrison
Review-Journal

      Clark County Commission Chairwoman Yvonne Atkinson Gates gets at least two-thirds of her campaign contributions from two main industries -- gaming and construction -- but says that "doesn't mean they can control you."
      She is not alone. Nearly every commissioner and city council member in the Las Vegas Valley is also supported primarily by the two pro-growth industries, with the exception of anti-growth and gaming-free Boulder City.
      Atkinson Gates insists the political contributions haven't had an impact on the valley's growth, but two UNLV professors who study public policy doubt whether politicians who receive the bulk of their money from only two industries can freely and honestly debate growth.
      It's not necessarily bad that contributions come from growth-oriented companies who find themselves in need of approvals from local governments to grow, said Bill Thompson, a public administration and gaming expert at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas. But he said the ability to have a serious, open-minded debate about limiting growth is compromised by these donations.
      "You can't take the money and debate and give a fair hearing to all sides," Thompson said. "You're going to make pressured decisions."
      Atkinson Gates disagrees: "Just because a person contributes to you doesn't mean they can control you. It doesn't mean they can dictate policy decisions you make."
      She said of all the people who donate, "In terms of developers and gaming, I hear from them the least amount."
      Most of her calls, she said, are "from people who have an issue coming before the County Commission regarding a contract or in opposition to a project."
      A Review-Journal analysis of campaign contributions showed that 64 percent of the County Commission's campaign funding comes from gaming and construction.
      "The question to me is `Where does the public get represented?' " Thompson said after reviewing a chart showing the percentage each county commissioner and city council member in the valley received from the two industries.
      "What about the idea that we don't have rampant growth and don't give every casino and every home builder everything they want?" he asked.
      Thompson found the campaign finances of two commissioners most interesting.
      Commissioner Myrna Williams received 81 percent of her funding from gaming and construction, yet has a reputation as a populist voice.
      She recently returned a $12,500 donation from Sheldon Adelson, owner of Las Vegas Sands Inc., before the commission unanimously voted against the resort owner's controversial traffic study. At the time, she said, "My vote has never been for sale and never will be bought."
      Thompson said the fact the largest percentage of her money comes from gaming and construction is "amusing, because she's the monarch butterfly of the whole (commission) list."
      Williams said it's "absolutely absurd" to speculate that political donations affect growth.
      "I've voted no as many times as I've voted yes, and I vote on the basis of merit and need and what's driving the economy. I take into consideration all of the elements," she said. "Success is the foundation of growth in the valley. "
      Thompson called Commissioner Lance Malone's numbers "funny numbers," because while his report shows only 25 percent of his contributions came from gaming interests, much of his gaming money came from sources that cannot be tracked. It was poured first into the Nevada Republican Party before it hit Malone's war chest.
      The analysis of city council contributions showed that the largest percentage of gaming and construction dollars -- 65 percent -- was given to members of the North Las Vegas City Council in the 1993 and 1995 elections.
      The Las Vegas City Council received 55 percent of its money from the two sources; Henderson council members received 47 percent of their proceeds from the two industries.
      In Boulder City, which banned gaming and limits growth, only 6 percent of the money given to elected officials came from gaming and construction. Three of the council members received no reportable money from gaming or construction.
      Because large sums are broken down into donations of less than $500, the analysis is incomplete. In Boulder City, 95 percent of the donations are not disclosed by name, in Henderson 59 percent are undisclosed, 53 percent are undisclosed in North Las Vegas and an average of 26 percent are undisclosed in the county commission races.
      The Las Vegas City Council numbers are complete because the city has a full disclosure law that is stricter than the commission and the other councils, which follow state law.
      So when Mayor Jan Jones' reports show that 53 percent of her money comes from gaming and only 20 percent comes from construction, that's a more reliable analysis than can be conducted on the other city councils in the valley.
      It's natural that the two groups are the biggest donors, politicians and academics agreed.
      "They're going to be the biggest givers, they're the biggest stakeholders," said Jones, who believes the relatively modest 20 percent she received from the construction industry is because "I've been too pro-impact fees."
      Both gaming and construction are quick to donate to winners -- after the election.
      Malone received $19,500 from construction-related businesses afterward and $42,250 from gaming companies.
      Following her election in 1994, Commissioner Lorraine Hunt received $34,000 more from gaming and $3,500 more from construction.
      Williams' 1994 victory attracted an extra $22,800 from developers and $10,000 more from gaming.
      UNLV ethicist Craig Walton said the chart of the most recent elections seems to show a correlation between where growth is possible and where construction and gaming money goes.
      "Where are the areas that are still open to development?" he asked, then answering his own question replied, "The county, Henderson and North Las Vegas."
      When the first campaign finance reports for the upcoming municipal elections are taken into account, some candidates show a change in their analysis.
      In the two Las Vegas seats, Councilman Arnie Adamsen's percentages increase from 47 percent from growth-related contributors to 52 percent. His contributions from gaming dropped from 26 percent to 18 percent while his construction contributions increased from 21 percent to 34 percent.
      Councilman Matthew Callister's increased from 59 percent to 63 percent because more money is coming from developers and contractors.
      The more dramatic increases are in Henderson.
      Councilman Jack Clark received no reportable contributions from construction or gaming four years ago and only reported $5,200 in donations $500 and above. This time he has 10 times that amount -- $37,500 -- and 42 percent is construction and 26 percent is gaming, so that 68 percent of his contributions are from the two sources.
      Councilman David Wood's reportable contributions jumped form $30,000 in his first race to $80,500 now that he's a candidate for Henderson mayor. But the percentage is roughly the same; 69 percent instead of 67 percent is from gaming and construction.
      "It looks to me as if there's some perceived importance to obtain access to these folks on the part of contractors, home builders and gaming, if there's going to be a possibility of development vs. limitation," Walton said.
      When a campaign donor takes a politician to lunch, Walton doubts the politician "automatically turns to jelly and does whatever they're told to do. People with money are not a monolith. It's simplistic to say a voice has bought a politician and they obey it. On the other hand, how do they find out how the rest of us feel?"
      To really support any hypothesis that political donations also have contributed to the valley's growth, Walton said someone would need to track donations to the 1970s.
      But even the most recent elections, he said, "raise the question: Is it part of a pattern?"
      Walton said, "The history of our valley in regards to limitation of growth is that we've ducked every opportunity to do it. The nicest thing you can say is we've lacked foresight."


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